3.7.2
Application of the legal framework in this case
Sources about (the prosecution of) political opponents in Rwanda
To prove his allegation that the judicial independence and impartiality in Rwanda in cases against political opponents must be doubted, the wanted person has drawn attention to several public sources. According to the wanted person those sources show that the oppression of (presumed) political opponents or critics of the Rwandan authorities has increased in the last few years.
The picture that emerges from the sources quoted by the wanted person agree with the contents of other public sources such as country notices and reports on human rights. In particular the court has taken note of the following sources.
The thematic official notice on human rights and justice in Rwanda from 2016 of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs includes that in theory jurisdiction in Rwanda is independent but that according to sources there is political influence on trials involving military personnel, members of the political opposition or rich businessmen.3
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the United States included in a country report about human rights in Rwanda from 2021 that national and international observers mentioned that the outcome in prominent genocide cases, cases about state security and politically sensitive cases appears to be established beforehand.4
For the Universal Periodic Review about Rwanda in 2021 the council of Human Rights of the United Nations expressed it concerns in connection with the reports of unlawful intervention in the administration of justice by government officials and the procedure for the appointment of judges, which may possibly make judges susceptible of pressure from politicians.5
In 2017 Human Rights Watch published a report about the arbitrary imprisonment and torture in detention centres of persons who are suspected of cooperating with enemies of the Rwandan government. If suspects or witnesses relate at court that they have been tortured, this is not investigated by the court.6
In 2020 several observers reported to the Human Rights Council of the United Nations about irregularities in some politically motivated trials, about interference by executive powers in politically motivated cases and about the trampling of the rights of the defence in cases again critics of the government.7
In March 2022 Human Rights Watch published that in 2020 and 2021 it had followed several trials in which political opponents, commentators and journalists were prosecuted for political reasons .8
In June 2022 Human Rights Watch reported about the criminal case against Aimable Karasira, a prominent Rwandan commentator on YouTube, that Karasira had complained to the court about torture in prison, including sleep deprivation by means of light and loud music and mistreatment. The judges ordered no further investigation into the accusations.9
In "The Rwandan" an article was published in 2020 about an operation of the Rwandan government called "Cleaning The West".10 In the article it is described that the purpose of this operation is to silence members of the opposition and human rights activists outside Rwanda. Mentioned as possible methods are poisoning, liquidating, kidnapping, issuing arrest warrants and discrediting persons.
Prof. Dr. F.L.A.C. Reyntjens, emeritus professor at Antwerp University, has reported as expert in the present case. When answering the question of the court whether and, if so, in which trials in Rwanda concrete indications exist that point at political interference, the expert states at the outset that the relevant distinction is not the reproached crime but whether the suspect can be regarded as a political opponent. He considers it unlikely that a political opponent will get a fair trial in Rwanda . In that respect the expert refers to the following examples.
- In 2021 Paul Rusesabagina was sentenced to imprisonment for the duration of 25 years for terrorism. The suspicion of initial acts followed after Rusesabagina had criticized the Rwandan regime and president Kagame openly . Under false pretenses Rusesabagina was transferred to Rwanda. The Rwandan Minister of Justice has confirmed that the plane in which Rusesebagina was flown to Rwanda had been rented for that purpose by the Rwandan government. He also confirmed that the rights of Rusesebagina to confidential communication with his lawyer was infringed during his detention. An American witness in the case against Rusesabagina was also a paid consultant for the Rwandan government, which was not taken into account in the judgment. President Kagame spoke about Rusesabagina's guilt several times before the judgment. Human Rights Watch called the trial “flawed” and asserted that the trial showed that “the Rwandan Courts are overpowered by political influence”.11 The European Parliament, the American Bar Association and the Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs voiced criticism about the trial in the case against Rusesabagina.12 In its resolution the European Parliament stresses that Rwanda must guarantee the independence of the administration of justice. In the Trial Monitoring in the case of Rusesabagina mention is made that Rusesabagina and his fellow suspects made statements under duress (tied by hands, feet and face) or torture, which was not investigated by the court. The statements were used by the Rwandan court as evidence.13
- Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza was active in different Rwandan opposition movements including FDU-Inkingi. In 2010 is she was arrested in Rwanda on suspicion of complicity in terrorism and the distribution of the ideology of genocide. In 2013 she was sentenced to a prison term for a duration of 15 years for conspiracy against the Rwandan government by means of terrorism, violence, denial of the genocide and sedition. The African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (hereinafter called: the African Court) held in 2017 that the Rwandan government violated Ingabire's right to freedom of speech.14 On the day before the hearing of the case Rwanda withdrew its recognition of the power of the African Court.
- Rwanda is has been convicted several times for violations by the African Court but never implemented these convictions, which the then Junior Minister of Foreign Affairs, the current Rwandan ambassador in the Netherlands justified as follows in a tweet
in 2018: “The rule of law is not to allow genociders or their accomplices to manipulate a human rights court to their profit”.
- Diane Rwigara stood as candidate for the presidential elections in Rwanda in 2017. The Rwandan government declared that Rwigara did not have enough signatures to stand as a candidate, after which she was arrested. According to the Human Rights Council of the United Nations the arrest and detention of Rwigara were arbitrary.15 In 2018 Rwigara was acquitted by the Rwandan High Court. The appeal of the public prosecutor against this acquittal was withdrawn on the instruction of the Rwandan Minister of Justice. The expert does not rule out a deal in this case, because after this judgment Rwigara ceased her political activities and no longer appears in public now. According to the expert this could point at political manipulation of the course of justice.
- The detention of two convicted Rwandan (former) military officers has been termed arbitrary by the UN Human Rights Council. The officers, Colonel Tom Byabagamba and retired brigadier general Frank Rusagara, had spoken out against president Kagame and were subsequently arrested and sentenced in 2016 to prison terms for durations of 20 and 21 years respectively. Several irregularities were mentioned about the procedure in the report of the Newman Rights Council. In that way the judge who rejected the request for bail allegedly acted as a witness against the accused later. One of the suspects was allegedly also sentenced by a military court for facts in a period in which he was a civilian. One of the witnesses later declared that he had been forced to make an incriminating statement. None of the accused was given opportunity to ask questions of the witnesses who made incriminating statements. On appeal the sentences were upheld.16
On the basis of the thematic official notice of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the American country report, the report of the Human Rights Council of the United Nations, the messages and reports of Human Rights Watch and the contribution of prof. dr. F.L.A.C. Reyntjens the court determines that there is widely shared doubt about the independence of the administration of justice in Rwanda in criminal cases against political opponents. Moreover several recent cases may be designated in which political opponents did not get a fair trial or in which there were irregularities. In particular reference can be made to the cases against Rusesabagina, Karasira, Byabagamba and Rusagara. In those trials defenses that touch upon the essence of the right to a fair trial, were ignored by the relevant judges without reasons. Reports and defenses that statements had been obtained under duress or torture were not investigated any further. The court views all this against the background of the image that emerges from the sources represented above, namely that (alleged) members of the opposition may have to deal with threats, kidnapping, disappearance and/or prosecution after they have spoken critically about the regime or have become politically active. Furthermore the operation “Cleaning the West” seems to indicate that the regime has made it an objective to silence members of the opposition outside Rwanda as well.
On the basis of the above issues, viewed in conjunction with one another, the court believes that there are objectively justified doubts about the judicial independence in Rwanda in the event of trials of some (prominent) political opponents of the regime, owing to the risk of political interference in such trials.
The wanted person as a political opponent
During the civil war in Rwanda the wanted person was an officer in the Rwandan army in the rank of major and he participated in the peace talks at the end of the civil war. After the civil war in Rwanda the wanted person emigrated to the Netherlands. According to his statement he afterwards remained on the radar of the Rwandan authorities: in 2003 he was approached by the Rwandan authorities in an attempt to persuade him to repatriate. The wanted person suspected that the purpose of this was that he could subsequently be used by the regime for political purposes in Rwanda. The wanted person refused this.
Since 2006 he has been politically active from the Netherlands with the political party Forces Democratiques Unifiées Inkingi (hereinafter called: FDU-Inkingi), an opposition party in Rwanda. The wanted person held two positions in FDU-Inkingi: Commissioner for Information and Documentation (2006-2018) and Commissioner for Discipline (2018-2022).
FDU-Inkingi has been called a terrorist organization by the Rwandan authorities government and is mentioned as one of the targets of the operation "Cleaning the West”. In Rwanda several members of FDU-Inkingi disappeared, were murdered or convicted in the last few years. In that way Illuminée Iragena disappeared in 2016 and her disappearance has not been investigated by the police. In 2017 seven members of FDU-Inkingi were arrested for forming an irregular armed group.17 Human Rights Watch reports about intimidation, arbitrary imprisonment, and mistreatment of members of FDU-Inkingi in Rwanda.18 In January 2020 six members of FDU-Inkingi in Rwanda were sentenced to punishments between seven and twelve years because of armed rebellion.19
The court determines that in view of his active membership of FDU-Inkingi the wanted person can be regarded as a political opponent of the Rwandan regime. In addition he is a former high-ranking soldier and also remained of interest to the Rwandan government after his emigration. Only after the wanted person had become active in FDU-Inkingi, was an arrest warrant issued against him by the Rwandan authorities.
In the view of the court these circumstances create a real risk that in the event of extradition
the wanted person will have to deal with political interference in his trial and that in that case he will not be tried by an independent court.
The fact that the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, as the public prosecutor has argued, permitted the transfer of suspects to Rwanda in 2011 and rejected defenses about the lack of a fair trial on that occasion does not change the above. The assessment of such defenses is made on the basis of the facts and circumstances of the case. In this specific case the court reaches a different opinion, also taking account of the capacity of the wanted person and the currently known more recent information about (the trying of) political opponents in Rwanda.
From the matters held above by the court it follows that it has been substantiated adequately that the wanted person will be exposed by his extradition to the risk of a flagrant violation of the right of a fair trial due to him in pursuance of article 6(1) of the ECHR.
As such it is correct that the trial of the wanted person in Rwanda is governed by the so-called Transfer Law.20 The Transfer Law contains guarantees for a fair trial of (among others) extradited persons in Rwanda. In the extradition request Rwanda has guaranteed that it will observe those guarantees. In the opinion of the court the guarantees from the Transfer Law in this case provide an insufficient safeguard to overcome the threat of flagrant violation of the right to a fair trial, because Rwanda has a very troubling recent history with regard to the prosecution and trying of political opponents of Rwanda's regime - as explained above.
Finally the courts believes that with regard to the flagrant violation no effective legal remedy is available to the wanted person. In so far as the wanted person could use a legal remedy against a possible conviction, the risk of political interference would also be present in a trial by a higher court in Rwanda, as has also appeared from the public sources and examples.
Consequently the court will declare the extradition of the wanted person inadmissible for all facts.